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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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sumption^ it is nevertheless necessary to stamp out this action of the P.P.R.,
as an act of high treason to the Polish people and the Polish State,"
In spite of the fact that the signatures of all parties were to be found on
this document, Moscow propaganda continued to emphasise that some
of them were represented on this £ Council/ which., by this time., had
proceeded even to nominate a C.~in-C., one by the name ofc Rola,3 and
to demand that all Polish forces at home and abroad should be subordi-
nated to him. This £ National Council * of the Soviets became a red
flag in Moscow's hands, which was waved threateningly before the Polish
Government at every opportunity.*
Apart from the Soviet radio., it seems this 6 body ' was only mentioned
seriously in London's Sunday Press and in that section of the English
and American press which was helping in the process of * softening s
Polish resistance (and not only Polish) towards the demands of Russian
That the Kremlin was attempting to split the Polish bloc was proved
by the extraordinary instance of the American citizens., one of Polish
descent—Father Orlemanski and Professor Lange. They had both
publicly declared their pro-Soviet sympathies in America and had,
therefore, been elevated in Moscow's propaganda to the realms of the
symbolic. The Kremlin proclaimed them as leaders of a great section
of the Poles in America and stated that they should., like certain
members of the Soviet' Union of Patriots * in Moscow, be incorporated
into their (the Russians) c friendly * Polish Government. In order to
strengthen the position of these two American citizens, Stalin sent a
personal letter to President Roosevelt, asking for them to be granted
passports to Russia. Thus, in this strange and unexpected way, the priest
of a small parish in Springfield and an obscure professor of some American
university found themselves for a brief spell the centre of an excited
world-curiosity. They were flown to Moscow, where Stalin received
them and conversed several hours with each one individually, assuring
* The signatories of the parties and the organisations to be found under the
c Manifesto ' issued by the Polish Soviet (i.e., the e Council *) in Poland and
announced in that country, were by no means similar to those which appeared in
Moscow. According to Moscow, the * Manifesto * was signed by (1) the Peasant
Party , (2) the Polish Socialist Party (therefore, by the same parties which already
had their representatives in the Polish Government residing in London) and by the
P.P.R. (the Communist Party) and several other organisations, difficult to identify;
while inside Poland, the £ Manifesto * contained only the signature of the P.P.R.,
and organisations such as " the representatives of doctors and teachers, the group of
partyless Democrats, the Union of Fighting Youth, the leaders of the National
Democrats " and other similar fictitious and non-existent groups, nine in all.
In fact, the * Manifesto' was issued solely by the P.P.R. (Communist Party),
which, as it has been said, had never collaborated with the other Polish parties, and
whose signature could be found in Moscow's Act of Dissolution of the Comintern of
June 10th, 1943. In Western Poland, the P.P.R. had been collaborating with the
German Communists. In the area of the Russian occupation of 1939, this Party
was banned by order of Moscow, since the Ukrainian and White Ruthenian Com-
munist parties were already working there,